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The people who pay for sex are, unsurprisingly, loath to admit to doing so. Everyone seems to know someone else who has visited a prostitute, but no one is quite sure who, or where, or why, or how much they paid, and they certainly can’t go and ask them about it.
One person who is honest about his use of prostitutes is writer and artist Sebastian Horsley. He has worked as an escort and run a brothel, andtalks candidly about his love of and appetite for prostitutes, estimating he has paid for sex with more than 1,000 women at a cost of more than ?100,000. Horsley also admits he is chasing the libertine lifestyles of the artists he grew up in thrall to – Edvard Munch, Van Gogh and Gauguin, Oscar Wilde. His romanticising of the practice is wildly indulgent and no doubt has little relevance for most prostitutes. He has said he is against legalisation as that would remove the excitement of the forbidden fruit element, but is no longer sure about this: if it improved safety, he says, it would be a good thing. One thing he is certain about rings true with the opinion of every prostitute I have spoken to: they are not victims.
“Contrary to what those foul feminists will tell you, the prostitute is not a victim,” he says. “If you talk to them, and I’ve met thousands, they don’t often find themselves victimised and exploited, but the middle-class intellectuals who formulate their opinions for them tell them that they are. There’s a whole rescue operation going on at the moment made up of social workers, community leaders and politicians, and it’s in their interests to find suffering. There is exploitation, but there is exploitation in all industries.”
Horsley is the product of a privileged and eccentric background, and he makes a living out of his outrageous behaviour and utterings. His attempt to recreate the depraved Parisian existence of his absinthe-fuelled artistic heroes makes him an easy target for derision, and, in fact, anger: only a poor little rich boy could play at being a prostitute and a heroin addict, and base a life philosophy on it. But he is up-front about his behaviour, unlike the rest of those one in 10 men who must feel there is something wrong with using a prostitute, or they wouldn’t be so keen to hide it. “Who are we to tell someone what parts they can and cannot sell of themselves?,” he asks. Prostitutes are not stupid, but they have different skills. You don’t get prostitutes telling the politicians how they should be earning a living, do you?”
Jacqui Smith believes demand dictates supply, an argument with a clear logic, and if there weren’t so many men like Horsley willing to pay for sex, women would not face the choice of entering an industry in which exploitation is rife. The oft-cited example is Sweden, where the buying of sex was criminalised almost a decade ago. In Lithuania and Finland it is already illegal to pay for sex with someone acting under coercion, as will happen here under the new legislation, and Norway is set to follow Sweden’s lead. But Sweden is the example cited by those who support the Smith reforms. When the law was passed there were around 2,500 sex workers; now there are just 500, and Sweden is the least popular human trafficking destination in Europe.
Making it an offence to pay for sex with anyone acting under coercion and where ignorance is no defence, even when the party paying for sex has asked and been lied to, is intended to scare a large sector of punters away from visiting prostitutes, not just trafficked workers. “It is middle-class people with jobs trying to control deviant behaviour,” says Horsley, dismissively.
As it is, it’s very easy, and often very cheap, to find paid-for sex. Every small town has always housed a brothel of some sort, where regulars would find sex and companionship in the arms of reliable women, but now you can go online and pick women like sweets. If it becomes less socially acceptable – because men are forced to assume most prostitutes are working under duress – and trickier in practical terms to find sex, the theory is that, as in Sweden, the industry will shrink.
The English Collective of Prostitutes, and Samantha, do not agree. “Where have those prostitutes in Sweden gone?” she asks. “They still need the money. They’ve gone underground. Or they’ve gone to work in other countries. There is still the same number of prostitutes around. If you don’t want to be found, you won’t be. They still have to pay the bills or feed a drug habit. The reasons they are prostitutes are still there. The further they crack down, the more underground we will have to go. So streetworkers will take more risks to earn the same amount per night, which is horrendous. You’re making yourself more vulnerable.”
Samantha no longer needs to work as a prostitute. She says she began out of necessity to support her family, though it was her husband who suggested it. He supported her during the rape trial but later turned violent and she fled the marriage. Does she regret starting? “That’s the sting in the tail. Obviously, if I could have my time again there is no way I would do it, but if I hadn’t, I wouldn’t have been raped and the private prosecution wouldn’t have been forthcoming. I had the support to do that and other women didn’t. I wouldn’t change that for the world.” Would she be happy if her kids did the same? “The only reason to do that type of work is money. I would be concerned if I was not supporting them.”
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Seeing an opportunity to gain sympathy, the organizers of neo-Nazi gangs in the east’s cities, many of them, like Mr. Sonntag, from western Germany, have set their sights increasingly on gay bars, sex shops and clubs. Reports of attacks on gay meeting points are increasing, and in April youths shouting Nazi slogans broke up a gay street festival in east Berlin. Last month, a bar on east Berlin’s central Alexanderplatz was attacked.
Wolfgang Forster, who founded the Krax club last December, said he did not share the politics of the neo-Nazis. But after the firebombing, he met their leaders, who apologized and agreed to pay damages. “In principle, we agree on several things,” he said, “like the need to keep people from the western underworld out of Dresden.”
Demand for tighter surveillance is growing, fed by fears of crime. “In western Germany, bordellos and red light districts are normal,” said Georg Reitz, who came from western Germany to work with radical youth groups in the Dresden suburb of Radebeul. “But here there was no prostitution, and the people are set against it. It’s unclean, corrupt, dirty.”
Mega-brothels: Has Germany become ‘bordello of Europe’?
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A group of men in red and white robes stroll through the reception area. Women in high heels sit at the bar in a haze of cigarette smoke, chatting to clients and laughing.
This is Paradise, in Stuttgart, Germany – one of the largest brothels in Europe.
Built at a cost of more than 6m euros (?4.9m), and opened in 2008, it boasts a restaurant, a cinema, a spa and 31 private rooms for the hundreds of male customers it attracts each day.
Germany legalised prostitution in 2002, creating an industry now thought to be worth 16bn euros a year.
By treating prostitution as a job like any other, the idea was to prise women away from the pimps that often run the sex trade.
Sex workers in Germany can now pay into a pension and demand health insurance.
“You feel safe and you have security. It’s not like the street where you don’t know what happens with a man,” said 22-year-old Hannah, who arrived in Stuttgart after two years working in a brothel in Berlin.
But critics say Germany’s liberal approach with its sex laws has spectacularly failed, normalising prostitution and turning the country into what they are now calling the “bordello of Europe”.
The number of prostitutes in Germany is thought to have doubled to 400,000 over the last 20 years.
The market is now dominated by “mega-brothels”, which offer sex on an almost industrial scale, often to tourists, many of them bussed in from abroad.
Many of the women working at Paradise Stuttgart are from Eastern European countries such as Romania and Bulgaria.
The feminist Alice Schwarzer has led a campaign for Germany to reverse course on its prostitution laws and copy the approach in Sweden, where it is illegal to buy sexual services but not to sell them.
This means a man caught with a prostitute faces a heavy fine or prosecution, but the woman does not.
That model has slowly been gaining ground across Europe and is now being seriously considered in seven countries, most notably France.
A two-year UK parliamentary inquiry into the sex trade, to be published next month, is expected to recommend the same Swedish model for England and Wales, although any change in the law is extremely unlikely before the 2015 general election.
As things stand, buying and selling sex is technically legal across the whole of the UK, but a number of related activities, from running a brothel to kerb crawling and solicitation, are all criminal offences.
The problem is that tightening regulation in one part of Europe often has a knock-on effect on another.
German brothel owners near the French border are already gearing up for an increase in customers as soon as stricter laws come into force in France.
Paradise Island Entertainment, the chain that owns Stuttgart’s mega-brothel and four others across central Europe, is about to open its next outlet a few hundred metres from the French border in the German city of Saarbrucken.
“The change of the law in France, which will punish the buyers of sex, is practically like winning the lottery for us because we’ll get even more French customers. That’s why the location is absolutely perfect,” said the company’s marketing chief Michael Beretin.
“It’s just not possible to ban prostitution. What’s happening in France is nonsense – you can’t prosecute a man for something a woman wants to do.”
Prostitution in the UK.
Buying and selling sex are both technically legal across the UK But related activities, from soliciting in a public place to kerb crawling and owning a brothel, are all crimes Trafficking for sexual exploitation or paying for sex with someone who has been trafficked are both against the law in England and Wales In Northern Ireland, a private member’s bill currently being brought by Lord Morrow would see prostitution laws along Swedish lines, although the NI Department of Justice currently looks unlikely to support the measure.
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